Category Archives: fascism

Isaiah Berlin: The Crooked Timber of Humanity

Out of the crooked timber of humanity no straight thing was ever made. – Immanuel Kant

If you’re interested in a contemporary philosopher who is able to put thousands of years into clear perspective, I would certainly place Sir Isaiah Berlin at or near the top of the list. Mr. Berlin’s vaunted reputation as an advocate for classical liberal principles and a first rate thought historian is entirely well deserved as The Crooked Timber of Humanity amply demonstrates.  As the title suggests, Berlin focuses on the origins of the movements that have led towards self-destruction and contrasts them against those which have animated modern liberal society. Specifically, he traces the origins of utopianism, cultural relativism versus pluralism, and fascism as well as its ideological bedfellow, nationalism.

Mr. Berlin treats the ideas and subjects with great respect. True to the spirit of his other works, his central goal in this collection serves both as a warning against the encroachment of tyrannical ideas as well to provide as an intellectual antidote to illiberalism. Berlin’s analysis of these thinkers is incisive. When evaluated in light of current political movements, remains relevant and often downright prescient.  One wonders if, with respect to universalism and managerial scientism, he has underestimated the allure and endurance of this doctrine.

Berlin opens with a broadside against the Platonic ideal and the accompanying pursuit of the utopian society.  The Platonic ideal is comprised of three components.

  1. All genuine questions have one true answer and all other answers are errors.
  2. There must be a dependable path towards the discovery of these truths.
  3. These universal truths are compatible with one another.

Human needs and the means by which to attain them could be discovered through same methods by which natural scientific law could be discovered.  Once discovered, these principles could be codified and implemented through policy.  Berlin argues that this impulse is on the decline in the West, but if the arguments of the contemporary social scientists serve as an indicator, the hunger for pseudo-scientific micromanagement of human affairs remains undiminished.

Berlin contends that Giambattista Vico’s Scienza Nuova (1725) and his doctrine of  the “common nature of nations” as well as a later generation of German Romantics, including Johann Gottfried von Herder, pointed towards a “cultural pluralism” which provided a counterpoint and possible antidote to the empirical absolutism of the Enlightenment.  The cultural pluralism Vico and Herder espoused rested on the contention that there were, in fact, incompatible values between cultures which could not be reconciled to universal principles. Both Vico and Herder’s thought contravened the Enlightenment consensus that man was ultimately governed by universal laws.

In this current age of globalization where the watchword is multiculturalism, Vico and Herder’s conclusions certainly warrant further examination and pose very important questions. What constitutes culture in a multicultural society?  If culture is the product of the transmission of practices and traditions which were generated within a genetically homogenous society over the course of centuries, to what extent are these practices meaningful in a multicultural society to those who didn’t belong to the original culture?  Are individuals from different cultures being held to universal standards of conduct in a multicultural society?  Is it possible to have a multiculturalism which isn’t manufactured by social engineers or a Trojan Horse for hollow identity politics and globalist socialism?  Perhaps most importantly, if individuals from other cultures immigrate to a new culture in search of a better life, do they have any obligation to honor the culture into which they’ve inserted themselves whether voluntarily or by necessity?

Since this doctrine ran contrary to the cultural objectivist consensus of the day, Berlin contends that Vico and Herder’s pluralism should not be confused with relativism.  In other words, neither Vico nor Herder espoused a relativism of fact, but a relativism of values.  His emphasis on this difference is not insignificant in light of the current multicultural zeitgeist. In defense of Vico and Herder, he invokes a poignant quote from John Stuart Mill:

It is hardly possible to overrate the value, in the present low state of human improvement, of placing human beings in contact with persons dissimilar to themselves, and with modes of thought and action unlike those with which they are familiar. Commerce is now what war once was, the principal source of this contact. Commercial adventurers from more advanced countries have generally been the first civilizers of barbarians. And commerce is the purpose of the far greater part of the communication which takes place between civilized nations. Such communication has always been, and is peculiarly in the present age, one of the primary sources of progress.

Mill’s quote refers specifically to commerce as the cultural bridge, but his underlying point about the difficulty of understanding a pluralism of values in the absence of commerce is what warrants deeper consideration. The multiculturalists, social engineers and globalists have attempted to engineer such a consensus artificially by advancing an aggressive agenda of Tolerance™ with an ever diminishing set of results to show for it. It’s ironic that the champions of this doctrine have shown such remarkable contempt for the opponents of their agenda and remain unwilling to appreciate the relativism of values which run contrary to their megalomaniacal ambitions.  Once again, one wonders if it is possible to create a multicultural consensus which doesn’t devolve into a clinical and bureaucratic utilitarianism papered over by empty platitudes of Unity©.

A significant portion of the book is devoted to the individual Mr. Berlin believes to be the architect of modern fascism, Joseph de Maistre. In light of the rising tide of nationalism which has engulfed America and much of Europe, Berlin’s discussion of Maistre’s thought is especially poignant given that this phenomenon is largely a backlash to the social engineering of the multiculturalists and globalists. While Greece’s Golden Dawn party certainly represents a rising tide of genuine fascism which contains the twin hallmarks of the movement in its various historical manifestations, racial purity and nationalism, Maistre’s thought reminds us that there is more than a little paranoia and manufactured hysteria in the bleating of the progressive Left when it comes to Trump, Brexit and the various nationalist movements on the rise throughout Europe.

Maistre was a true reactionary to every aspect of the Enlightenment project. While the egalitarians espoused a view of man in which universal truth could be attained through scientific inquiry, Maistre rejected this doctrine with absolute impunity. On every aspect of the Enlightenment consensus, from rationalism to individualism to liberal egalitarianism, Maistre regarded these ideas with pure contempt.  By Berlin’s reckoning, Maistre’s vision of social order demanded absolute subordination to the Cross and the Crown.

While it is not unreasonable to conclude that Maistre provided the ideological template for the fascism of modern times, it certainly prompts questions over the appropriateness of seemingly indiscriminate and ubiquitous usage of the term today.  Especially with respect to the Left and their positively pathological and cartoonish hysteria over Trump. The Trump agenda remains an open question, but there is little doubt that the Left is in the business of conjuring ideological boogeymen out of thin air and painting any opposition to their globalist designs as “fascism”.  If the perpetuation of the multicultural agenda hinges on denigrating the foundations of Western thought which allows the very pluralism they allegedly value, they assure a recursive loop of nationalist backlash which validates their own prejudices.

Berlin concludes with a meditation on nationalism which is prophetic yet cautionary in tone, but raises fresh questions all the same.  While there is little doubt that nationalism in its extreme manifestation when married to the machinery of the State has proven itself a destructive force, Berlin reminds us that there is a deep seated humanity struggling to assert itself from under the dehumanizing designs of the sophisters, calculators and acolytes of scientism. The pursuit of universalism animated the West, but also created a unfortunate desire to manufacture a stultifying and artificial uniformity.  There is little doubt that the primal urge of nationalism has been and can be exploited by demagogues and populists, but it is not unreasonable to conclude that some measure of nationalist pride has, in fact, paved a path for the multiculturalism and genuine pluralism so idolized by the Left.  While much of the Islamic world, Asia and Africa remain ethnic and ideological monocultures, the burden of multiculturalism has been placed disproportionately on Western societies. As this policy unravels by the day, is it any wonder that there is a nationalist backlash towards individuals who apparently have no desire to adopt the cultural values of their adopted countries?  Berlin was keenly attuned to this aspect of nationalism and his words presaged the collective rage of the Brexiters and Trumpians to a t.

There is a growing number among the youth of our day who see their future as a process of being fitted into some scientifically well-constructed programme, after the data of their life-expectancy and capacities and utilisability have been classified, computerized, and analyzed for conduciveness to the purpose, at the very best, of producing the greatest happiness for the greatest number. This will determine the organisation of life on a national or regional or world scale, and this without undue attention to, or interest in (since this is not needed for the completion of the task), their individual characters, ways of life, wishes, quirks, ideals. This moves them to gloom and fury or despair. They wish to be and do something, and not merely be acted upon, or for, or on behalf of.  They demand recognition of their dignity as human beings. They do not wish to be reduced to human material, to being counters in a game played by others, even when it is played, at least in part, for the benefits of these counters themselves. A revolt breaks out at all levels.

While some philosophers and academics seemingly revel in their ability to obfuscate and mistakenly believe that verbosity equals profundity, Mr. Berlin’s prose sings with clarity and actually serves the purpose that philosophical inquiry was meant to serve: to illuminate. Mr. Berlin has written a collection of thought provoking essays which prove that we are well served by understanding how the ideas of the past shape the present, and most importantly, that the contrarians of bygone eras have something of value to offer. Even if it runs contrary to everything we hold sacred. And through this understanding, we may ask the right questions and formulate the answers to the issues of the present and future.

Jill Lepore: The Secret History of Wonder Woman

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Jill Lepore’s impeccably researched history of William Moulton Marston and Wonder Woman never fails to entertain and engage.  However, Lepore’s book isn’t just an exercise in fangirl trivia mining. Like Marston, she has an agenda. The story of Wonder Woman isn’t just a story of a pop culture superhero; it’s the story of American feminism. As entertaining as it is, her book reveals the dubious implications of Wonder Woman’s symbolic power. Specifically, this includes the questionable notions, political illusions, flagrant hypocrisies and straight up idiotic nonsense at the center of contemporary feminist thought which directly fueled the character. The details of Marston’s colorful professional exploits are fascinating, but one is left with the impression that he was little more than a high functioning charlatan. What’s even more fascinating is the various ways his unconventional libertine polyamorous lifestyle ended up revealing itself on the panels of the strip. These observations of Marston also offer a window of insight into the equally dubious phenomenon of the contemporary male feminist.  

Ultimately, this is a story of pop culture myth making. It encompasses Wonder Woman’s origins in the two central pillars of contemporary Left feminism: suffrage and birth control. Lepore also discusses the character’s cultural legacy on the broader movement. While Ms. Lepore is quite obviously using the book to do some myth making of her own for feminism itself, the story produces the inverse effect. It exposes contemporary feminism for the empty farce that it is. 

Worse, the story reveals something even more toxic. Wonder Woman represents pop culture’s terrifyingly effective ability to synthesize nationalism and state propaganda and present it in a manner that lends it an almost divine authority. Marston openly acknowledged that Wonder Woman was a form of “psychological propaganda”. By appropriating mythic storytelling and pop iconography and conjoining these elements with contemporary political activism, Marston built an aura of female power around Wonder Woman that is arguably immeasurable. Power which is the result of an unfailing belief in an emancipation obtained, preserved and defended through the democratic process. Worst of all, it reveals a loyalty to that ideal which rivals any religion or cult.  

Ms. Lepore is peddling a boilerplate Left feminist editorial throughout the book. Her insipid attempts at drawing attention to scandalous sexism and indignities suffered at the hands of a retrograde male patriarchy end up as unintentional parody. The disconnect reveals itself over and over when measured against the infantile whining of the contemporary movement.

When Elizabeth Holloway attends law school and attention turns to “something like rape”, female students were asked to leave. Jill Lepore obviously wants to convey a sense of outrage over this paternalistic sexism. When this incident is stacked up against the rising tide of outrage over controversial subject matter in contemporary rape law courses, this sad attempt at manipulative propaganda is both laughable and contemptible. Perhaps Jill Lepore should have gotten some feedback from Jeannie Suk on how well today’s feminists are dealing with contemporary rape law courses at Harvard.  

Ms. Lepore sanctimoniously aligns the peace movement with the suffrage movement while ignoring their flagrantly racist views and the Left’s impotence in curtailing the excesses of the war machine. In a typical display of misplaced liberal faith in politicians, Lepore simultaneously attributes Woodrow Wilson’s victory to support from suffragists while downplaying early support for suffrage from Republicans.  This faith is soon crushed by a declaration of war signed by an indifferent head of State and a federal bureaucracy intent on silencing their voices. Fast forward to present day, feminists placed the exact same faith in Barack Obama to be a peacemaker only to have it trashed in the exact same fashion. 

Ms. Lepore’s greatest sin is perhaps the manner in which she glosses over the connection between Margaret Sanger’s socialist ideals and her ideas on eugenics and population control. The difference between her agenda and the eugenics program carried out by the Nazis is razor thin. Not a single word is written about Margaret Sanger’s flagrant racism. Nor is there a single mention of the grandest Sanger irony of them all: denouncing state power while simultaneously advocating for its acquisition to carry out a population control agenda with terrifying ramifications

Jill Lepore is promulgating a trite, idiotic and destructive narrative of socialism as the embodiment of libertine sexual mores, defiance of authority and the font of social justice.  

In reference to Sanger and her socialist cohorts, Lepore’s swooning description of them as creators of a world of “free love, heterodoxy, Amazons and breaking chains” is especially moronic because she fails to mention that socialism was itself an agenda of enslavement.  

The full extent of her intellectual dishonesty is laid bare in one chapter. She openly acknowledges that Margaret Sanger wanted to make birth control available “by force, if necessary”.  A mere couple pages later, she attempts to whitewash Sanger’s open authoritarianism by claiming that “love is stronger than force”. Right. We’ll just ignore the fact that Sanger was totally cool with government force.  

The details of Marston’s professional life are indeed sordid and are hardly the legacy of one who possessed any meaningful skills. Given his obsession with dominance, submission, and identifying truth telling, one certainly questions the underpinnings of his polyamorous lifestyle with Olive Byrne, Elizabeth Holloway and Marjorie Wilkes Huntley. Once again, the delta between Lepore’s romanticized exaltation of the spirit of free love that all of these self-proclaimed feminists espoused and the repressive, neo-Puritanism of contemporary movement is enormous. 

Aside from maintaining three relationships with women and fathering children from two, they engaged in all kinds of kinky sex games that expose many contemporary feminists for the repressive prudes they are. In contrast to the joyless Puritans like Andrea Dworkin or insufferable cultural authoritarians like Anita Sarkeesian, Byrne and Holloway lived their convictions rather than imposing their self-righteous notion of feminist virtue on others.  

Marston’s life opens a window of insight into the outrageous hypocrisy of male feminists. To use contemporary parlance, Marston would undoubtedly be referred to as a “feminist ally”; a pretentious douchebag who grandstands about feminist issues in order to ingratiate and aggrandize himself amongst feminists. This was an individual who made a dubious prediction that women would rule the world while flitting from one failed endeavor to another while Holloway earned the money on which his polyamorous family depended. 

Not only did Marston coast off the sole income of Holloway for years, he exposed his hypocrisy in other ways. He penned an article for Life magazine called “What are your prejudices?” in which he condemned prejudice, but proceeded to reveal his own prejudice in his portrayal of different ethnic groups in the Wonder Woman comics. All of his sanctimonious bullshit is indistinguishable from the idiotic notion of “privilege” that’s promulgated in feminist circles today. This propagandistic twaddle is littered throughout the feminist mediasphere. In the current political environment, few factions are as sanctimonious as feminists and it’s fairly clear that this contemptible charlatan contributed to their smug self-righteousness in more ways than I ever knew. 

It’s unsurprising that the polygraph he invented, a device whose efficacy has been discredited, ended up in widespread use by the government. Hey! Let’s use the device that doesn’t detect lies and put it in the hands of professional liars! What could go wrong? 

The Marston incarnation of Wonder Woman is all by itself a toxic, frightening and infantile fantasy of his notion of matriarchy, and by extension, the fantasy feminists including Lepore have assigned to feminism. By placing Wonder Woman in the military, running for president for a 1000 year term, and wrapping her in nationalist regalia, Wonder Woman represents little more than fascism with a uterus. Lepore laughably asserts that Wonder Woman was “fighting fascism with feminism”, but no matter how much moronic drivel Marston attached to her, fascism is exactly what she represents. Furthermore, the choice to not use a gun feeds right into this hollow fantasy of the benevolent application of feminine power because it ignores the true nature of state power. This disconnect is fully embodied by the cover of Wonder Woman Number 1. Wonder Woman is charging into a battlefield full of Nazis and everyone has a gun except her. Right.  

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Because somehow when a woman wields the state gun it’s not REALLY a gun. Because…uterus!

Marston’s toxic delusions are on full display in a response to early criticism of Wonder Woman.  

He writes: 

The only hope for peace is to teach people who are full of pep and unbound force to enjoy being bound-enjoy submission to kind authority, wise authority, not merely tolerate submission. Wars will only cease when humans enjoy being bound.

Oh, really?  Wow.  How progressive! 

Fuck you, Marston.  

Of course, these charges of fascism go way back and were first leveled in 1945 by Jesuit priest, Walter J. Ong. I suspect Lepore wants the reader to be appalled by these repressive, retrograde sentiments because after all, what could some religious asshole have to say that’s of any value on the issue of women’s liberation? But the iconography and written words of Marston as well as those of Sanger from which Marston drew inspiration, speak for themselves. 

The book also reveals the cult of legitimacy accorded to academics. Lepore certainly leaves the reader with the impression that despite Marston’s credentials, he had little to nothing of value to offer and his professional career was more or less a confidence game. She seems intent on aggrandizing academics and by default, people like herself as heroes of social justice and champions of virtue.  “Wise authorities” to whom us lower life forms should joyfully submit.

Her book concludes with a recap of the idiotic sniping that occurred amongst feminists upon Wonder Woman’s pop culture resurgence of the 70’s. When one considers the current state of feminism, it’s pretty clear that little has changed. For a movement allegedly predicated on equality, its adherents seem more successful in fomenting discord and division than anything resembling equality, let alone peace. As long as feminism relates to equality as a product of federal power, feminism cannot be viewed as a movement agitating for equality. It must be viewed as a movement dedicated to enshrining privilege for women with the explicit and open embrace of government force at the expense of men.  As fascinating as this story is, I’m unenthusiastic about Jill Lepore’s open embrace of this agenda. 

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